{"id":16863,"date":"2024-12-18T12:04:30","date_gmt":"2024-12-18T17:04:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/?p=16863"},"modified":"2025-06-04T14:15:41","modified_gmt":"2025-06-04T18:15:41","slug":"best_of_2024","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2024\/12\/18\/best_of_2024\/","title":{"rendered":"12 of our most important reports, briefings, and wins from 2024"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>\n2024 was a busy year for the Prison Policy Initiative. We exposed how prisons and jails are exploiting incarcerated people and their families for millions of dollars each year, highlighted how cruel abortion restrictions affect women throughout the carceral system, saw a major victory for phone justice, and so much more. We curated some of our most important pieces from the last 12 months.<link href=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/css\/slideshow_2022.min.css\" rel=\"stylesheet\"><script type=\"module\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/js\/slideshow_2022.min.mjs?v=rcipux\"><\/script>\n<script type=\"module\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/js\/slideshow_2022_lib.min.mjs\"><\/script>\n<\/p>\n<h2><a href=\"\/reports\/pie2024.html\">Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nThis year was the tenth anniversary of our flagship report, Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie. It provides the most comprehensive view of how many people are locked up in the U.S., in what kinds of facilities, and why. In addition to showing that more than 1.9 million people are behind bars on any given day in the U.S., it uses 34 visualizations of criminal legal system data to bust 10 of the most persistent myths about prisons, jails, crime, and more.\n<\/p>\n<p>\nRecognizing that women in the U.S. experience a dramatically different criminal legal system than men do, but data on their experiences is difficult to find and put into context, we released a new edition of <a href=\"\/blog\/2024\/03\/05\/womens_pie_2024\/\">Women\u2019s Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie.<\/a> This report fills this gap with richly-annotated data visualizations about women behind bars.\n<\/p>\n<div class=\"slideshow-container width1024 slideshow-2022\" id=\"bestof23pie\">\n<div class=\"slide-wrapper\">\n<ul class=\"slide\">\n<li><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie2024.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie2024-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie2024.png\" alt=\"pie chart showing national offense types and places of incarceration\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\">\n<\/picture><\/li>\n<li><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie_2024_women.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie_2024_women-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie_2024_women.png\" alt=\"pie chart showing national offense types and places of incarceration for women\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\">\n<\/picture><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"wrap-controls\">\n<div class=\"arrow-nav\">\n\t\t<button class=\"prev\"><\/button>\n\t<\/div>\n<ul class=\"custom-controls\">\n<li><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie2023.webp 1x, \/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie2023-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie2023.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"50\" height=\"38\">\n<\/picture><\/li>\n<li><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie_2023_women.webp 1x, \/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie_2023_women-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie_2023_women.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"50\" height=\"38\">\n<\/picture><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"arrow-nav\">\n\t\t<button class=\"next\"><\/button>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"slideshow-spacer width1024\"><\/div>\n<h2><a href=\"\/global\/2024.html\">States of Incarceration: The Global Context 2024<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nThe U.S. has the highest incarceration rate of any independent democracy on earth \u2014 worse, every single state incarcerates more people per capita than most nations. In the global context, even \u201cprogressive\u201d U.S. states like New York and Massachusetts appear as extreme as Louisiana and Mississippi in their use of prisons and jails.\n<\/p>\n<p>\nOur report examines the incarceration rates of every U.S. state and territory alongside those of the other nations of the world. Looking at each state in the global context reveals that, in every part of the country, incarceration is out of step with the rest of the world.\n<\/p>\n<picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/NATO_US_2024.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/NATO_US_2024-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/NATO_US_2024.png\" alt=\"graph showing incarceration rates among founding NATO members\" width=\"800\" height=\"463\">\n<\/picture>\n<h2><a href=\"\/reports\/shadowbudgets.html\">Shadow Budgets: How mass incarceration steals from the poor to give to the prison<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nPrisons and jails generate billions of dollars each year by charging incarcerated people and their communities steep prices for phone calls, video calls, e-messaging, money transfers, and commissary purchases. A lot of that money goes back to corrections agencies in the form of kickbacks. But what happens to it from there?\n<\/p>\n<p>\nOur report analyzes how prisons and jails funnel money from incarcerated people and their families into \u201cInmate Welfare Funds\u201d &mdash; and then use it to cover the costs of incarceration.\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"featureimage caption\"><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/dauphin_county_iwf.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/dauphin_county_iwf-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/dauphin_county_iwf.png\" alt=\"Breakdown of welfare fund expenditures at the Dauphin County jail from 2019 to 2023, showing that only $45,000 was spent on things that directly benefit incarcerated people, while $1.6 million was spent on things benefitting staff, such as gun range memberships, new uniforms, and employee appreciation meals\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\n<\/picture>An investigative report in Dauphin County, Pa., found that only a small fraction of welfare fund expenditures from 2019 to 2023 directly benefitted people incarcerated in the jail. While few jail and prison policies explicitly outline what qualifies as an appropriate use of funds, our breakdown above generally follows the logic of a <a href=\"https:\/\/bloximages.chicago2.vip.townnews.com\/helenair.com\/content\/tncms\/assets\/v3\/editorial\/8\/78\/87862de1-3846-5abf-b2ea-33643d7c87f6\/62bb84702bef6.pdf.pdf\">Montana audit<\/a> that attempts to parse appropriate, questionable,and inappropriate expenditures.<\/p>\n<h2><a href=\"\/reports\/probation_conditions.html\">One Size Fits None: How \u2018standard conditions\u2019 of probation set people up to fail<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nMore than <a href=\"https:\/\/projects.csgjusticecenter.org\/supervision-violations-impact-on-incarceration\/key-findings\/\">1 in 10 people<\/a> admitted to state prisons every year have committed no new crime, but have simply broken one or more of the many conditions, or rules, of their probation. Our report provides one of the most comprehensive 50-state compilations of \u201cstandard\u201d conditions of probation to date, shining a light on the burdensome rules that govern the lives of nearly 3 million people and that doom many to inevitable further punishments.\n<\/p>\n<h2><a href=\"\/blog\/2024\/06\/18\/dobbs\/\">Two years after the end of <i>Roe v. Wade<\/i>, most women on probation and parole have to ask permission to travel for abortion care<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nTo understand how the overturn of <i>Roe<\/i> impacts women under the U.S.&#8217; <a href=\"\/reports\/correctionalcontrol2023.html\">massive system of community supervision<\/a>, we examined standard supervision conditions in each state, along with the number of women who must comply with them. We found that the one-two punch of abortion and supervision restrictions impacts an estimated 4 out of 5 women (82%) on probation or parole nationwide. That means that for the vast majority of people under community supervision, the ability to seek abortion care out-of-state is left not to the pregnant person, but to the discretion of a correctional authority, typically their probation or parole officer.\n<\/p>\n<div class=\"slideshow-container width800 slideshow-2022\" id=\"dobbs_slideshow\">\n<div class=\"slide-wrapper\">\n<ul class=\"slide\">\n<li><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/policy_map_dobbs.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/policy_map_dobbs-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/policy_map_dobbs.png\" alt=\"map showing states that have abortion bans and also have standard conditions of probation and or parole that restrict interstate travel. The vast majority of states have some kind of abortion ban and both probation and parole conditions that restrict travel\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\n<\/picture>\n<p class=\"caption\"><b>Map 1<\/b> The vast majority of states have some kind of abortion ban as well as standard conditions of <u>both<\/u> probation and parole that restrict interstate travel.<a href=\"\/images\/abortion_bans_may2024.png\"> Click here<\/a> to see a map of abortion bans in place as of May 2024. <\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/probation_map_dobbs.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/probation_map_dobbs-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/probation_map_dobbs.png\" alt=\"map showing the number of women on probation in states that have an abortion ban and also have a standard condition of probation that restricts interstate travel\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\n<\/picture>\n<p class=\"caption\"><b>Map 2<\/b> Probation is the most common form of correctional control for women in the U.S., and almost every state has a standard condition of probation restricting travel. Probation populations here exclude federal. <a href=\"\/images\/abortion_bans_may2024.png\"> Click here<\/a> to see a map of abortion bans in place as of May 2024.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/parole_map_dobbs.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/parole_map_dobbs-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/parole_map_dobbs.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"map showing the number of women on parole in states that have an abortion ban and also have a standard condition of parole that restricts interstate travel\">\n<\/picture>\n<p class=\"caption\"><b>Map 3<\/b> While fewer women are on parole supervision compared to probation, nearly all live in states that restrict interstate travel for everyone on parole. Parole populations here excluded federal. <a href=\"\/images\/abortion_bans_may2024.png\"> Click here<\/a> to see a map of abortion bans in place as of May 2024.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"wrap-controls\">\n<div class=\"arrow-nav\">\n\t\t<button class=\"prev\"><\/button>\n\t<\/div>\n<ul class=\"custom-controls\">\n<li><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/policy_map_dobbs.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/policy_map_dobbs-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/policy_map_dobbs.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"50\" height=\"38\">\n<\/picture><\/li>\n<li><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/probation_map_dobbs.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/probation_map_dobbs-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/probation_map_dobbs.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"50\" height=\"38\">\n<\/picture><\/li>\n<li><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/parole_map_dobbs.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/parole_map_dobbs-2X.webp 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/parole_map_dobbs.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"50\" height=\"38\">\n<\/picture><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"arrow-nav\">\n\t\t<button class=\"next\"><\/button>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"slideshow-spacer width800\"><\/div>\n<h2><a href=\"\/blog\/2024\/06\/05\/trump-conviction\/\">Donald Trump can still be president, but he could be barred from being a bartender, care salesman &mdash; or real estate developer<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nDonald Trump\u2019s legal proceedings would not have stopped him from being president and most likely won\u2019t create many obstacles that a billionaire can\u2019t handle. But there are still more than <a href=\"https:\/\/pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov\/articles\/PMC5996985\/\">19 million people in the US<\/a> with felony convictions that face hiring discrimination for ordinary jobs every single day. In this briefing, we explain how states can end removed barriers that prevent people with felony convictions from securing good jobs.\n<\/p>\n<h2><a href=\"\/blog\/2024\/08\/27\/economic_justice\/\">10 ways that mass incarceration is an engine of economic injustice<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nIn this briefing, we compile ten examples of how mass incarceration blocks progress toward economic justice. We argue that our massive system of criminalization is not an isolated issue, nor is it someone else\u2019s problem; it is an engine of inequality that traps people in poverty, weakens worker power, and undermines political organizing toward a more prosperous future for the vast majority of people.\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"featureimage tightfeature caption\"><picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/Economic_inequality_mass_incarceration.webp 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/Economic_inequality_mass_incarceration-2X.webp 2x\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/Economic_inequality_mass_incarceration.png\" alt=\"Chart showing that economic inequality has grown in lockstep with mass incarceration\">\n<\/picture>The U.S. incarceration rate has closely tracked the rise in the share of national income held by the wealthiest 1% of Americans. For most of the 1950s, 60s, and 70s, the top 1% held about 10% of the total national income while the U.S. imprisoned about 100 people per 100,000. By the 2000s, the share held by the top 1% had doubled to around 20% while the incarceration rate grew to five times the historical norm.<\/p>\n<h2><a href=\"\/blog\/2024\/02\/28\/releases-sex-state\/\">Since you asked: How many women and men are released from each state\u2019s prisons and jails every year?<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nJournalists, advocates, and other users of our website reach out frequently to ask if we know the total number of people released from prisons and jails in their state each year. Many are trying to fight for more resources for people returning home and want to know how these numbers break down by sex. While these are numbers you might expect would be easy to find, they aren\u2019t published regularly in annual reports on prison and jail populations by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). To make this information more accessible, we\u2019ve drilled down into the most recent data available to show how many men and women are released from prisons and jails each year.\n<\/p>\n<h2><a href=\"\/blog\/2024\/01\/30\/punishing-drug-use\/\">Addicted to punishment: Jails and prisons punish drug use far more than they treat it<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nJails and prisons are often described as <a href=\"https:\/\/healthandjusticejournal.biomedcentral.com\/articles\/10.1186\/s40352-022-00183-9\">de facto mental health and substance abuse treatment providers<\/a>, and corrections officials increasingly frame their missions around offering healthcare. But the reality is quite the opposite: people with serious health needs are warehoused with <a href=\"https:\/\/www.vera.org\/news\/health-care-behind-bars-missed-appointments-no-standards-and-high-costs\">severely inadequate healthcare<\/a> and limited treatment options. This briefing builds on our past work about the <a href=\"\/reports\/chronicpunishment.html\">unmet health needs of incarcerated people<\/a> and the <a href=\"\/reports\/repeatarrests.html\">endless cycle of arrest for people who use drugs<\/a> by compiling data on treatment availability versus drug-related punishment in jails and prisons across the country. We find that despite the lofty rhetoric, corrections officials punish people who use drugs far more than they provide them with healthcare.\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"featureimage caption\">\n<picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/SUD_rates_arrests_prisons.webp?v=2 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/SUD_rates_arrests_prisons-2X.webp?v=2 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/SUD_rates_arrests_prisons.png?v=2\" alt=\"Bar chart showing that the percent of people in prison and\/or those arrested in the past year with substance use disorders is much higher than the national population.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" id=\"sudrates\">\n<\/picture>Based on 2019 data from the National Survey of Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) from SAMHSA, approximately <a href=\"https:\/\/datatools.samhsa.gov\/nsduh\/2019\/nsduh-2019-ds0001\/crosstab?row=UDPYILAL&#038;weight=ANALWT_C\">8%<\/a> of people over the age of 12 met the criteria for a substance use disorder, and <a href=\"https:\/\/datatools.samhsa.gov\/nsduh\/2019\/nsduh-2019-ds0001\/crosstab?row=UDPYILAL&#038;column=NOBOOKY2&#038;weight=ANALWT_C\">41%<\/a> of people who had been arrested in the last year met the criteria for a substance use disorder. In 2016 (the most recent year for which the Bureau of Justice Statistics published national prison data), <a href=\"https:\/\/spi-data.bjs.ojp.gov\/dashboard\">47%<\/a> of people in state and federal prisons met the criteria for a substance use disorder in the 12 months prior to their most recent prison admission.\n<\/p>\n<h2><a href=\"\/blog\/2024\/07\/18\/fcc-vote\/\">FCC votes to slash prison and jail calling rates and ban corporate kickbacks<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nThe Federal Communications Commission <a href=\"https:\/\/docs.fcc.gov\/public\/attachments\/FCC-24-75A1.pdf\">voted to implement several new regulations<\/a> on phone and video calling services in prisons and jails. As required by the 2022 <a href=\"\/blog\/2023\/01\/19\/martha-wright-reed-act\/\">Martha Wright-Reed Fair and Just Communications Act<\/a>, the FCC laid out new price caps that prisons, jails, and their telecom providers must abide by, significantly lowering the <a href=\"\/blog\/2021\/06\/10\/new_fcc_rules\/\">existing caps which were set in 2021<\/a>. The agency also made a number of long-sought reforms that will bring critical relief to families of incarcerated people and reduce incentives for bad policy in prisons and jails.\n<\/p>\n<h2><a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/news\/2024\/05\/20\/minnesota_ends_prisongerrymandering\/\">Minnesota ends prison gerrymandering<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nThis year, Minnesota joined the rapidly growing list of <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/models\/chart.html\">states that have taken action<\/a> against prison gerrymandering. The measure requires state and local governments to count incarcerated people at their home addresses when drawing new political districts during their redistricting process. This is a huge win and yet another reason for the Census Bureau to finally change how it counts incarcerated people and end prison gerrymandering nationwide.\n<\/p>\n<picture><source type=\"image\/webp\" srcset=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/momentum_05172024_1024x534.webp?v=2 1x, \/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/momentum_05172024_1024x534-2X.webp?v=2 2x\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/momentum_05172024_1024x534.png?v=2\" alt=\"map of states that have ended prison gerrymandering. Roughly half the country lives in a place that has ended the practice.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"534\" class=\"featureimage1024\">\n<\/picture>\n<h2><a href=\"\/blog\/2024\/06\/14\/fulton_jail\/\">Prison Policy Initiative support helps Fulton County advocates stop massive jail expansion<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>\nAt the request of the Georgia-based Community Over Cages Coalition, the Prison Policy Initiative examined the proposal for a new jail and found serious shortcomings. In a 17-page memo, we explained how the overuse of pretrial incarceration hurts communities, the feasibility study the county commissioned failed to consider alternatives to new jail construction, and it also ignored that a massive new jail would exacerbate existing staffing issues. Less than one month after the release of our findings, the Fulton County Board of Commissioners voted to scrap its $2 billion plan, marking a major victory for advocates.\n<\/p>\n<p>\n<i>If your community is considering building a new jail or expanding the capacity of its existing facility, we may be able to help you push back.<a href=\"\/contact.html?topic=Advocacy_Assistance\"> Drop us a line to tell us about your fight.<\/a><\/i>\n<\/p>\n<p>\nThis collection of work only scratches the surface of what we accomplished in 2024 &mdash; and our work is far from over. Next year, we\u2019ll continue to expose the ways that mass incarceration harms people on both sides of the bars and  highlight solutions that keep communities safe without expanding prisons, jails, and the carceral system.\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>From a deep dive into exploitative \u201cInmate Welfare Funds\u201d to a major phone justice victory, here are some of the highlights of our work from 2024.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":63,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14,3,1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[101],"class_list":["post-16863","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-best-of","category-shorts","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16863","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/63"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=16863"}],"version-history":[{"count":10,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16863\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":17562,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16863\/revisions\/17562"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=16863"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=16863"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=16863"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=16863"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}