{"id":2205,"date":"2002-07-15T14:35:54","date_gmt":"2002-07-15T18:35:54","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/?p=2205"},"modified":"2016-11-16T16:13:01","modified_gmt":"2016-11-16T20:13:01","slug":"crisis","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2002\/07\/15\/crisis\/","title":{"rendered":"How the prison system makes minority communities pay"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/images\/crisiscover222w300h.jpg\" height=\"300\" width=\"222\" align=\"right\" hspace=\"0\" vspace=\"0\" border=\"0\">The cover article of July\/August, 2002 issue of &#8220;The Crisis&#8221; Magazine, (NAACP national publication) is on how rising incarceration is spilling over<br \/>\ninto critical arenas of black political (electoral) and economic power, i.e. affecting the lives of African-Americans <i>not<\/i> under criminal justice control.  Key issues focused on are felony disenfranchisement and the impact of census prisoner-counting practices on redistricting, as well as the relationship between those phenomena and post-reconstruction initiatives designed to take away from the newly enfranchised what had just been granted&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>The article discusses the <a href=\"\/importing\">Importing Constituents: Prisoners and Political Clout<\/a> report about the census counting urban prisoners as rural residents.<\/p>\n<p>An internet version of the article is not yet available but you can order a hard copy from <a href=\"http:\/\/www.thecrisismagazine.com\">Crisis Magazine<\/a>. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>&#8220;The Crisis&#8221; reports on how rising incarceration is spilling over into critical arenas of black political and economic power.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[11],"class_list":["post-2205","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-shorts","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2205","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2205"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2205\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4965,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2205\/revisions\/4965"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2205"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2205"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2205"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=2205"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}