{"id":3283,"date":"2015-05-06T15:36:36","date_gmt":"2015-05-06T19:36:36","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/?p=3283"},"modified":"2017-06-12T17:18:36","modified_gmt":"2017-06-12T21:18:36","slug":"securus-ends-ban","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2015\/05\/06\/securus-ends-ban\/","title":{"rendered":"Securus ends its ban on in-person visits, shifts responsibility to sheriffs"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: May 6, 2015<\/p>\n<p>Contact:<br \/>\nBernadette Rabuy<br \/>\n(413) 527-0845<\/p>\n<p><b>Easthampton, MA<\/b> &mdash; On Monday, Securus, the video visitation industry leader, announced that it will <a href=\"\/scans\/securus_technologies_revises_video_visitation_policy-defers_to_prison-jail_officials_on_rules_for.pdf\">no longer explicitly require county jails and state prisons to replace traditional family visits with video visits<\/a>. Securus CEO Richard A. Smith stated that the billion-dollar phone and video visitation company \u201cfound that in \u2018a handful\u2019 of cases,\u201d Securus was including a clause that \u201ccould be perceived as restricting onsite and\/or person-to-person contact.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>But Securus&#8217;s new policy is much more significant than Securus\u2019s announcement implies, says Bernadette Rabuy of the Prison Policy Initiative.  \u201cThere is clear language banning in-person visits in 70% of the Securus contracts we examined for our report, <a href=\"\/visitation\/\">Screening Out Family Time: The for-profit video visitation industry in prisons and jails<\/a>.\u201d The contracts plainly read: \u201cFor non-professional visitors, Customer will eliminate all face to face visitation through glass or otherwise at the Facility.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>This offensive clause was brilliantly challenged by comedians <a href=\"http:\/\/tedalexandro.com\/\">Ted Alexandro<\/a> and <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/rosen\">Ben Rosen<\/a>, arguing about whether video visitation lives up to the industry\u2019s claims that it\u2019s \u201cjust like Skype:\u201d<\/p>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/36kBFafyx-4?list=PLGg11-cQgYcgglxkdJLXAhtBkY7FX5k3Y\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>While many of Securus\u2019s competitors have worked with sheriffs to replace in-person visits with video visits, Securus was the only video visitation company that dictated correctional visitation policy in the contract. This clause has been controversial. After public protest, the <a href=\"\/blog\/2015\/01\/29\/multnomah-reverses-ban\/\">Portland, Oregon Sheriff was the first to successfully amend<\/a> an existing Securus video visitation contract, and in Dallas County, Texas county legislators were able to <a href=\"\/blog\/2014\/11\/11\/dallas-approves\/\">eliminate the clause<\/a> before signing a contract with Securus.<\/p>\n<p>Video visitation is a promising technology that could make it easier and more affordable for families to stay in touch despite the challenges of incarceration. But as it is too often implemented, going high-tech has been a step in the wrong direction.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThis announcement won\u2019t necessarily bring back in-person visitation,\u201d said the Prison Policy Initiative\u2019s Bernadette Rabuy. \u201cTraditionally, video visitation companies and sheriffs have played the blame game, neither has been willing to take responsibility for banning in-person visits. Now that Securus is shifting moral responsibility to the sheriffs, the Prison Policy Initiative will be working with concerned families across the country to ensure that sheriffs reverse these draconian policies.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>-30-<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Securus will no longer require that jails ban in-person visits, shifting moral responsibility to the sheriffs <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14,6,1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[21],"class_list":["post-3283","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-best-of","category-press-release","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3283","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/11"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3283"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3283\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5943,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3283\/revisions\/5943"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3283"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3283"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3283"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=3283"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}