{"id":6583,"date":"2017-12-01T13:18:33","date_gmt":"2017-12-01T18:18:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/?p=6583"},"modified":"2020-07-21T10:18:58","modified_gmt":"2020-07-21T14:18:58","slug":"dggw","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2017\/12\/01\/dggw\/","title":{"rendered":"Congresswomen focus on women’s mass incarceration"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"PictureOn Wednesday night I presented my research on women’s incarceration at a working dinner with the Democratic Women’s Working Group (DWWG<\/a>). Although federal prisons contain about 6%<\/a> of the women incarcerated in the United States, federal legislation often impacts states’ incarceration policy<\/a>. So it’s good to see that women’s mass incarceration is getting the attention of the DWWG, which focuses on improving the lives of women and their families.\n<\/p>\n

\nRepresentative Barbara Lee organized this month’s dinner, bringing together over a dozen Congresswomen and three presenters (myself, Theresa Hodge of Mission:Launch<\/a>, and Topeka Sam of The Ladies of Hope Ministries<\/a>, both of which focus on women’s re-entry) for a dynamic and wide-ranging discussion of women’s incarceration in the United States. In fact, the hour-long dinner was on the verge of spilling into hour three when discussion turned in earnest to actionable next steps for Congress.\n<\/p>\n

\nRight now the US women’s incarceration rate is skyrocketing, even as the overall incarceration rate has started to drop. I hope the engaged energy of the evening will translate to criminal justice reform that doesn’t leave women behind.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Democratic Women’s Working Group dinner brings experts and Congresswomen together to focus on women’s incarceration in the US.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[12],"class_list":["post-6583","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-shorts","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6583","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/5"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6583"}],"version-history":[{"count":12,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6583\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10338,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6583\/revisions\/10338"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6583"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6583"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6583"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=6583"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}