{"id":6915,"date":"2017-12-29T12:06:13","date_gmt":"2017-12-29T17:06:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/?p=6915"},"modified":"2020-06-01T14:09:49","modified_gmt":"2020-06-01T18:09:49","slug":"dataviz2017","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2017\/12\/29\/dataviz2017\/","title":{"rendered":"Our favorite data visualizations of 2017"},"content":{"rendered":"<style type=\"text\/css\">.featureimage {margin-top:0; margin-bottom:0;}div.datavizhr hr {border:1px solid #a5a5a5; height:2px;}#page h2.dataviz {margin-top:0;}hr.style-seven {    padding: 0;    border: none;    border-top: medium double #333;    color: #333;    text-align: center;}hr.style-seven:before {     content: \"\u00a7\";    display: inline-block;    position: relative;    top: -0.7em;    font-size: 1.5em;    padding: 0 0.25em;    background: white;}div.hrwrapper{margin-top:90px;<\/style>\n<p>2017 was another big year for powerful <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/graphs\/\">data visualizations from the Prison Policy Initiative<\/a>.  These are 9 of our favorites:<\/p>\n<h2 class=\"dataviz\">1. The &#8220;whole pie&#8221;<\/h2>\n<p>We updated our most famous data visualization for 2017, <a href=\"\/reports\/pie2017.html\">Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie<\/a>:<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/pie2017.png\" alt=\"Pie chart showing the number of people locked up on a given day in the United States by facility type and the underlying offense using the newest data available in March 2017.\" class=\"featureimage\" height=\"600\" width=\"800\" \/><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"\/reports\/pie2017.html\">This report<\/a> also included four slideshows of additional detail on different parts of the carceral system \u2014 including the under-discussed world of jails &#8212; and some state-to-state comparisons.<\/p>\n<div class=\"hrwrapper\">\n<hr class=\"style-seven\" \/><\/div>\n<h2 class=\"dataviz\">2. The &#8220;whole pie&#8221; of women&#8217;s incarceration<\/h2>\n<p>In partnership with the ACLU, we produced <a href=\"\/reports\/pie2017women.html\">Women&#8217;s Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie<\/a> to aggregate the disparate systems of confinement and illustrates where and why 219,000 women are locked up in the U.S.:<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"\/reports\/pie2017women.html\" title=\"Click for larger version.\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/women_pie_2017.png\" alt=\"pie chart showing the number of women locked up on a given day in the United States by facility type and, where available, the underlying offense\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"featureimage\"><\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"hrwrapper\">\n<hr class=\"style-seven\" \/><\/div>\n<h2 class=\"dataviz\">3. Following the money of mass incarceration<\/h2>\n<p class=\"title\">In the first-of-its-kind report accompanying this graphic, we find that the system of mass incarceration costs the government and families of justice-involved people at least $182 billion every year. In this report and visualization, we follow the money:<\/p>\n<p class=\"caption featureimage\"><a href=\"\/reports\/money.html\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/reportthumbs\/FollowTheMoney_800x417.png\" alt=\"Excerpt of a larger graph showing the $182 billion system of mass incarceration and the relative size of its sub-parts from policing, to courts to private companies. Private prisons are a very small part of the total.\" width=\"800\" height=\"417\" class=\"\"><\/a>Please click to see the full visualization.<\/p>\n<div class=\"hrwrapper\">\n<hr class=\"style-seven\" \/><\/div>\n<h2 class=\"dataviz\">4. The short-sighted cruelty of charging incarcerated people high fees for their own medical care<\/h2>\n<p class=\"title\">If your doctor charged a $500 co-pay for every visit, how bad would your health have to get before you made an appointment? You would be right to think such a high cost exploitative, and your neighbors would be right to fear that it would discourage you from getting the care you need for preventable problems. In a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2017\/04\/19\/copays\/\">50-state analysis<\/a> of medical co-pays in prison, we find that this is the hidden reality of prison life:<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/copays_min_wage_equivalent.png\" alt=\"Graph showing how much minimum wage earners in each state would pay if a single co-pay took as many hours to earn as a co-pay charged to an incarcerated person does. The average equivalent co-pay is about $200 and in West Virginia, it's over $1,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"featureimage\"><\/p>\n<div class=\"hrwrapper\">\n<hr class=\"style-seven\" \/><\/div>\n<h2 class=\"dataviz\">5. Putting the emphasis of criminal justice reform where it belongs: on state and local policies<\/h2>\n<p>The federal government gets all the attention, but the real story of mass incarceration is at the state and local levels. We&#8217;ve been continuing to update this key visual:<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/state_driver_numbers_1925-2015.png\" alt=\"Image charts the incarcerated populations in federal prisons, state prisons, and local jails from 1925 to 2015. The state prison and jail populations grew exponentially in the 1980s and 1990s, and began to decline slowly after 2008, while federal prison populations show less change over time.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"featureimage\"><\/p>\n<p>For more on this perspective, see our blog post <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2017\/01\/10\/parting-reminders\/\">President Obama&#8217;s parting reminders on criminal justice reform<\/a>. <\/p>\n<div class=\"hrwrapper\">\n<hr class=\"style-seven\" \/><\/div>\n<h2 class=\"dataviz\">6. Tracking this country&#8217;s priorities<\/h2>\n<p>For a blog post <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2017\/12\/07\/econ_update\/\">Tracking the impact of the prison system on the economy<\/a>, we highlighted one key and unfortunate shift in our nation&#8217;s economic priorities:<\/p>\n<p class=\"featureimage caption\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/agriculture_vs_justice_jobs_1971-2012.png\" alt=\"Graph showing the portion of the civilian labor force that works in agriculture or for the justice system from 1971 to 2012. In 1971, about 4% of the workforce was in agriculture. The number of agricultural workers have declined as the number of justice system employees has grown, and by 2001, the number of police, corrections and judicial employees was higher than the number of agricultural workers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"\"> The 2.3 million incarcerated people in the United States are, of course, excluded from the labor force and therefore are not reflected in analyses of labor force participation. Including them would make the portion of the workforce that is involved in the mass incarceration system even larger.<\/p>\n<div class=\"hrwrapper\">\n<hr class=\"style-seven\" \/><\/div>\n<h2 class=\"dataviz\">7. Racial discrimination and use of force in &#8220;stop and frisk&#8221; policing<\/h2>\n<p>President Trump supports &#8220;stop and frisk&#8221; policing; but a return to the violent police tactic would be &#8211; to use some of the president&#8217;s favorite Twitter words &#8211; &#8220;a disaster!&#8221; In this visualization and report (you&#8217;ll need to click through to get the full effect) we explore the ineffectiveness of the police tactic and the racial disparities in who is stopped, who is frisked and who has force used against them by the police:<\/p>\n<p class=\"caption featureimage\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/reports\/stopandfrisk.html\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/reportthumbs\/StopAndFrisk_Twitter.png\" alt=\"thumbnail of data graphic showing the numbers of Blacks\/Latinos, Whites and people of other races and ethnicities stopped by the New York City Police in 2011, along with whether they were also frisked and whether force was used. Blacks and Latinos are dispropionately stopped, frisked and have forced used against them.\" width=\"800\" height=\"417\" class=\"\"  \/><\/a>Please click to see the full visualization in its original context. <\/p>\n<div class=\"hrwrapper\">\n<hr class=\"style-seven\" \/><\/div>\n<h2 class=\"dataviz\">8. Exploring the causes of jail growth<\/h2>\n<p>For our report <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/reports\/jailsovertime.html\">Era of Mass Expansion: Why State Officials Should Fight Jail Growth<\/a> we started with the big picture view of the two reasons why jail populations are growing:<\/p>\n<p class=\"caption featureimage\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/actually_driving_jail_growth.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"\" id=\"fig_1\">  <b>Figure 1.<\/b> Most state policymakers are not tracking jails in the first place, and the jails\u2019 frequent practice of renting cells to other agencies makes it difficult to draw conclusions from the little data that is available. This report offers a new analysis of federal data to offer a state-by-state view of how jails are being used and we find that, even more than previous research has implied, pre-trial populations are driving \u201ctraditional jail\u201d growth. The data behind this graph is in <a href=\"\/reports\/jailsovertime_table_1.html\">Table 1<\/a>.<\/p>\n<div class=\"hrwrapper\">\n<hr class=\"style-seven\" \/><\/div>\n<h2 class=\"dataviz\">9. The rise of the &#8220;prosecutor politician&#8221;<\/h2>\n<p>Fordham University historian Jed Shugerman has finally made it possible to examine the scale of prosecutors&#8217; influence on American politics and justice throughout history. At great effort, he produced the data and <a href=\"https:\/\/shugerblog.com\/2017\/07\/07\/the-rise-of-the-prosecutor-politicians-database-of-prosecutorial-experience-for-justices-circuit-judges-governors-ags-and-senators-1880-2017\/\">made it available to the public<\/a>. To draw more attention to it, we made a visualization to accompany our <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2017\/07\/13\/prosecutors\/\">blog post<\/a> about the data: <\/p>\n<p class=\"featureimage caption\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/prosecutor_politicians.png\" alt=\"50 state chart showing which states have had a senator, governor, and\/or attorney general with prosecutorial experience in office between 2007 and 2017\" width=\"800\" height=\"250\">In at least 38 states, a senator, governor, and\/or attorney general holding office in the past 10 years was once a prosecutor. This chart may understate the prevalence of these &#8220;prosecutor politicians,&#8221; since the source is a work in progress and has no data for some positions in five states as of July 7, 2017, and does not include changes in all offices after January 2017.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>2017 was another big year for powerful data visualizations from the Prison Policy Initiative. These are our 9 favorites.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14,1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[11],"class_list":["post-6915","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-best-of","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6915","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6915"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6915\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10074,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6915\/revisions\/10074"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6915"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6915"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6915"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=6915"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}