{"id":7001,"date":"2018-01-24T11:34:34","date_gmt":"2018-01-24T16:34:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/?p=7001"},"modified":"2018-01-25T08:38:08","modified_gmt":"2018-01-25T13:38:08","slug":"pennsylvania-drivers","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2018\/01\/24\/pennsylvania-drivers\/","title":{"rendered":"Pennsylvania may finally lift the burden of needless driver&#8217;s license suspensions"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>In case you missed it, the push to end driver\u2019s license suspensions for drug offenses is picking up steam in Pennsylvania. Only <a href=\"\/driving\/\">twelve states<\/a> continue to enforce this obsolete federal policy, which requires states to suspend driver&#8217;s licenses for reasons completely unrelated to driving. Pennsylvania alone has suspended the driving privileges of <a href=\"https:\/\/www.citylab.com\/equity\/2018\/01\/taking-the-high-road-on-drivers-license-suspensions\/550688\/\">around 150,000 people<\/a> since 2011.<\/p>\n<p>Now, with the governor&#8217;s vocal support, the state legislature is considering multiple bills to end the practice. Separately, the nonprofit Equal Justice Under Law <a href=\"https:\/\/whyy.org\/articles\/drivers-deprived-licenses-drug-conviction-sue-repeal-pa-law\/\">is suing the state<\/a> on behalf of two victims of this counterproductive policy.<\/p>\n<p>Nationally speaking, close to 200,000 people are impacted by this outdated law every year, and we&#8217;re glad to hear arguments for reform coming from across the political spectrum. The eleven other states where this law is still active should follow Pennsylvania&#8217;s lead.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The push to end driver\u2019s license suspensions for drug offenses is picking up steam in Pennsylvania.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":33,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[46],"class_list":["post-7001","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-shorts","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7001","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/33"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7001"}],"version-history":[{"count":20,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7001\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7043,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7001\/revisions\/7043"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7001"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7001"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7001"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=7001"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}