{"id":7749,"date":"2018-08-02T12:33:00","date_gmt":"2018-08-02T16:33:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/?p=7749"},"modified":"2018-08-02T13:13:37","modified_gmt":"2018-08-02T17:13:37","slug":"idaho-tablets","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2018\/08\/02\/idaho-tablets\/","title":{"rendered":"The Idaho prison tablets &#8220;hack&#8221; is a lesson in how to cover the prison business"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>This month, while we were <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2018\/07\/24\/no-cost-contract\/\">uncovering the hidden costs<\/a> of JPay&#8217;s &#8220;free&#8221; prison tablets, people incarcerated in Idaho were <a href=\"https:\/\/apnews.com\/7adb0856411a4b4694b6ad7f6fe468ff\">discovering something else<\/a>: a way to &#8220;hack&#8221; JPay&#8217;s software to transfer credits to their own accounts.<\/p>\n<p>It&#8217;s never certain how a story like this will be covered in the news, or how readers will react. But on Twitter, <b>readers overwhelmingly sympathized with the &#8220;hackers&#8221;<\/b> behind bars:<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/tablets_tweets3.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"517\" class=\"\"  \/><\/p>\n<p>We tip our hats to readers who intuitively put this story into perspective. <b>However, some news sites missed the point<\/b>, with headlines like &#8220;Prison inmates hacked into tablets to steal nearly a quarter-million dollars,&#8221; or &#8220;Inmates &#8216;Hack&#8217; Prison-Issued Tablets, Swiping $225,000 in In-App Bucks for Music and Games.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>For newsrooms covering prison tablets, we have some suggestions:<\/p>\n<ol class=\"list\">\n<li><b>Be wary of describing prison retailers the way they describe themselves<\/b>. A company that &#8220;provides inmates with access to the outside world&#8221; at no cost to taxpayers sounds good, but what if that company sustained itself by <a href=\"https:\/\/thinkprogress.org\/prison-technology-companies-inmates-9d4242805363\/\">grossly overcharging people in prison<\/a>?<\/li>\n<li><b>If you&#8217;re talking about credits, don&#8217;t say &#8220;dollars.&#8221;<\/b> A &#8220;quarter-million dollars&#8221; in tablet credits buys a lot less than you&#8217;d expect (see #3 and #4).<\/li>\n<li><b>Explain that the credits aren&#8217;t just for music and games<\/b>. People in prison are also <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2017\/07\/06\/tablets\/\">charged for video chats, email and money transfer<\/a> &#8211; things that cost you and me almost nothing. Most of the Idaho hackers gifted themselves $1,000 in credits (or less). That amount &#8211; at least in other states whose contracts we&#8217;ve studied &#8211; buys <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2018\/07\/24\/no-cost-contract\">less than 60 hours of video chat<\/a>.<\/li>\n<li><b>Don&#8217;t forget to explain that these systems are unlike anything in the free world<\/b>. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/reports\/commissary.html#digitalsales\">The economy for digital services in prison is broken<\/a>, with prisons often offering monopoly contracts to providers that will charge customers the <i>most<\/i>.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Finally, a general tip for covering the prison business: <b>Talk to incarcerated people and their loved ones<\/b>. For those forced to use JPay, the big story may not be the &#8220;exploitation&#8221; of vulnerable software, but the company&#8217;s ongoing exploitation of vulnerable families.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Stories about prison tablets are becoming more common. We offer tips to newsrooms for covering this issue fairly.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":33,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[46],"class_list":["post-7749","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7749","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/33"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7749"}],"version-history":[{"count":46,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7749\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7796,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7749\/revisions\/7796"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7749"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7749"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7749"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=7749"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}