{"id":8281,"date":"2018-12-12T17:05:51","date_gmt":"2018-12-12T22:05:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/?p=8281"},"modified":"2021-12-15T11:38:56","modified_gmt":"2021-12-15T16:38:56","slug":"winnable-2019","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2018\/12\/12\/winnable-2019\/","title":{"rendered":"Our list of criminal justice campaigns that can win in 2019"},"content":{"rendered":"<p class=\"updated\">This report has been updated with a <a href=\"\/reports\/winnable2022.html\">new version for 2022<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"\/reports\/winnable2019.pdf\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/images\/winnable2019_250w.png\" width=\"250\" height=\"324\" class=\"reportcover right thumb250\" \/><\/a>The 2019 legislative session is almost upon us, and we&#8217;ve compiled &#8211; as we do every year &#8211; <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/reports\/winnable2019.pdf\">a list of under-discussed but winnable criminal justice reforms<\/a>. While federal prison reform continues to receive more than its fair share of attention, state legislatures and governors remain empowered to determine the future of mass incarceration.<\/p>\n<p>We publish this list as a briefing with links to more information and model bills, and recently sent it to reform-minded state legislators across the country. (To read about recent legislative victories on these fronts &#8211; such as three states ending unnecessary driver&#8217;s license suspensions in 2018! &#8211; see our new <a href=\"https:\/\/static.prisonpolicy.org\/reports\/PPI_Annual_2017-2018.pdf\">Annual Report<\/a>.)<\/p>\n<p>Our list of reforms ripe for legislative victory are:\n<\/p>\n<ul class=\"list\">\n<li>Ending prison gerrymandering<\/li>\n<li>Lowering the cost of calls home from prison or jail<\/li>\n<li>Protecting in-person family visits from the video calling industry<\/li>\n<li>Stopping automatic driver&#8217;s license suspensions for drug offenses unrelated to driving<\/li>\n<li>Repealing or reforming ineffective and harmful sentencing enhancement zones<\/li>\n<li>Protecting letters from home in local jails<\/li>\n<li>Requiring racial impact statements for criminal justice bills<\/li>\n<li>Creating a &#8220;safety valve&#8221; for mandatory minimum sentences<\/li>\n<li>Eliminating &#8220;pay only&#8221; probation and regulating privatized probation services<\/li>\n<li>Reducing pretrial detention<\/li>\n<li>Decreasing state incarceration rates by reducing jail populations<\/li>\n<li>Curbing the exploitation of people released from custody<\/li>\n<li>Ending electronic monitoring for individuals on parole<\/li>\n<li>Shortening excessive prison sentences<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Could your state be working on any of these reforms? We&#8217;re looking forward to the progress we can make together in 2019!<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>This report has been updated with a new version for 2022. The 2019 legislative session is almost upon us, and we&#8217;ve compiled &#8211; as we do every year &#8211; a list of under-discussed but winnable criminal justice reforms. While federal prison reform continues to receive more than its fair share of attention, state legislatures and [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[12],"class_list":["post-8281","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-shorts","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8281","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/5"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8281"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8281\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12993,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8281\/revisions\/12993"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8281"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8281"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8281"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=8281"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}