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Johnny Cash condemns the corruption and brutality of prisons in the song "Jacob Green".

by Peter Wagner, December 22, 2005

Frames from Walk the Line showing prisoners stomping their feet along with the music. Note that the men aren't allowed to have shoelaces.

Frames from the Johnny Cash biopic. Note the missing shoelaces.

There is a new movie about Johnny Cash in the theatres now, Walk the Line. The trailer explains the importance of the film better than I can here, so I’ll let the trailer and the frames on the right of prisoners stomping their feet for Johnny Cash speak for themselves about the film.

This is as good a time as any to revisit our last article about Johnny Cash. When he died in 2003, we replaced the front page of this website with an obituary that highlighted what we then thought were two of his least known and most important songs, Man in Black and San Quentin.

Since then, we’ve discovered something rarer and even more important: Jacob Green. The song was first performed at a Swedish prison and released on the 1974 LP “Pa Osteraker” (Inside a Swedish Prison). In the U.S., the only place we know of to hear or see this song is in the recording of a 1976 concert at the Tennessee State Prison, A Concert Behind Prison Walls.

From that recording, here are the lyrics to Jacob Green:

Jacob Green

I’ve learned one thing, that when a man is at rock bottom, when there is no place else he can go except up, that the only thing that is really important in the world to him is that somebody, somewhere cares. And with that in mind, I wrote this song about something that really happened to a 16 year old boy in the state of Virginia. It’s called Jacob Green.

Jacob Green got busted for possession
next morning early he appeared in court
But he was sent to jail to wait
to be tried at some later date
Next morning early, there came a sad report
At the jail they took away his clothes to shame him
and to make sure Jacob Green had no pride left
They cut of all his hair
Today they found him hanging there
afraid to face the day he killed himself

It happened yesterday, and if you turn your head away
Somewhere in some dirty hole the scene will be rerun
Not only Jacob Green, but many more you’ve never seen
It could be someone that you love gets done
like Jacob Green got done
It could be someone that you love gets done
like Jacob Green got done

Jacobs father hired a team of lawyers
inspections and long inquiries were held
The sheriff then retired
and the papers said two guards were fired
They put a brand new coat of paint on Jacob’s cell
But like a tomb that looks so white and shiny
inside you’ll find corruption never seen
And somewhere out there tonight
In a dirty cell without a light
There will be locked up another Jacob Green

It happened yesterday, and if you turn your head away
Somewhere in some dirty hole the scene will be rerun
Not only Jacob Green, but many more you’ve never seen
It could be someone that you love gets done
like Jacob Green got done
It could be someone that you love gets done
like Jacob Green got done


The European Court rules that the disenfranchisement of 48,000 convicts in British jails violates the European convention on human rights.

by Peter Wagner, October 6, 2005

UK prisoners should get vote, European court rules

Simon Jeffery

Thursday October 6, 2005

“Laws setting out who can and cannot take part in elections are to be rewritten after the European court of human rights today ruled in favour of giving British prisoners the right to vote.

“Ruling in the case of a former prisoner against the United Kingdom, the Strasbourg court said the disenfranchisement of 48,000 convicts in British jails violated the European convention on human rights.

“It said that with the exception of the right to liberty, lawfully detained prisoners continued to enjoy all the rights guaranteed in the convention – including political rights and freedom from inhumane and degrading punishment.” ….

See the full story on the Guardian website.

Thank you to Rick Lines at the Irish Penal Reform Trust for the heads up about this exciting news.


As Hurricane Katrina began pounding New Orleans, the sheriff's department abandoned hundreds of inmates imprisoned in the city's jail.

by Peter Wagner, September 23, 2005

Officers Deserted a Jail Building, Leaving Inmates Locked in Cells

(New York, September 22, 2005)–

As Hurricane Katrina began pounding New Orleans, the sheriff’s department abandoned hundreds of inmates imprisoned in the city’s jail, Human Rights Watch said today.

Inmates in Templeman III, one of several buildings in the Orleans Parish Prison compound, reported that as of Monday, August 29, there were no correctional officers in the building, which held more than 600 inmates. These inmates, including some who were locked in ground-floor cells, were not evacuated until Thursday, September 1, four days after flood waters in the jail had reached chest-level.

“Of all the nightmares during Hurricane Katrina, this must be one of the worst,” said Corinne Carey, researcher from Human Rights Watch. “Prisoners were abandoned in their cells without food or water for days as floodwaters rose toward the ceiling.”

Read the rest from Human Rights Watch.


Today is the 50th anniversary of the death of Robert Elliot Burns, known as "The Man Who Broke a Thousand Chains", for his role in ending the brutal chain gang system in the South.

by Peter Wagner, June 5, 2005

Today is the 50th anniversary of the death of Robert Elliot Burns, known as “The Man Who Broke a Thousand Chains”, for his role in ending the brutal chain gang system in the South. A World War I veteran, Burns twice escaped from a Georgia chain gang in the 1920s and brought national and international attention to the brutality of the chain gang system. His life, his book and a 1932 Paul Muni I Am A Fugitive from a Chain Gang film on his life were the inspiration for the initial abolition of the chain gang system.

After the film’s release, he was arrested again after speaking out a a screening, but three successive New Jersey Governors refused to extradite him back to Georgia. He died of cancer on June 5, 2005 and is buried in a veteran’s cemetery in New Jersey.

The film, re-released on DVD on May 12, has renewed interest in his case, and, one would hope, the stupidity of bringing back chain gangs in symbolic form.

burns gravesite
Robert E. Burn’s gravesite (with red flower, in center) at the Beverly National Cemetery. See larger version


Book review by Stephen Healy and Peter Wagner of 'An Expensive Way to Make Bad People Worse: An Essay on Prison Reform from an Insider's Perspective' by Jens Soering.

by Peter Wagner and Stephen Healy, April 30, 2005

book cover
By Jens Soering
Lantern Books, 2004
113 pages, $12
reviewed by Stephen Healy and Peter Wagner

When Virginia lifer Jens Soering released his second book, An Expensive Way to Make Bad People Worse: An Essay On Prison Reform from an Insider’s Perspective he fired a warning shot across the bow of the prison industrial complex. An Expensive Way to Make Bad People Worse is the best short, readable, fact-drive summation of why prisons don’t work, but what makes the book so powerful is that it is written by a conservative Christian addressed to other fiscal conservatives.

Fiscal conservatives define “good government” as “small government”, so by using a simple cost-benefit analysis, Soering shows that locking up 2 million people fails to justify the $57 billion cost. While progressives may oppose the current criminal and penal systems for social and ethical reasons, Soering’s arguments have the potential to split the Republican party’s fiscally conservative base from its “get tough on crime” leadership.

Using fresh analysis and groundbreaking arguments to bring sometimes dry statistics to life, Soering’s book is organized around six myth-busting chapters:

  • There is no problem,
  • They may be expensive, but at least prisons prevent crime,
  • Crime prevention does not work,
  • Rehabilitation behind bars does not work,
  • There are no alternatives to prison, and
  • Criminal justice issues are so important that no one would dare mislead the public about them.

Soering, a German citizen serving two life terms, brings a unique perspective that allows him to challenge common ideologically derived assumptions from both the right and the left. Soering place the US prison in an international context to show precisely how US prison policy fails us. While all modern societies have a “crime” problem, the United States stands virtually alone in relying solely on expanding its punitive incarceration system to address the problem. Soering explains that the prison population has grown not because of a growth in crime, but because of a complete systemic failure to prevent people already in the system from re-offending. The majority of prisoners who are released either fail to successfully complete parole or are shortly returned to prison after committing a new crime. Judged by any standard used in the marketplace, “corrections” is an abysmal failure.

One good conservative solution? Fiscal incentives.

Reducing poverty has proven results in reducing crime, because people with something to lose are less likely to commit a crime. But reducing poverty has been anathema to neo-conservatives like Bush. “The poor do not deserve it, and we can not afford it anyway,” they say. But from a fiscal conservative perspective, it makes good economic sense to end poverty. After all, the poverty line in the U.S. for a family of three is $13.22 a day per person. That’s supposed to pay for everything. By contrast, incarceration costs on average, $55.18 a day. Soering asks whether reducing poverty would be both cheaper and more effective at reducing crime. And of course, in some places incarceration costs far more than the average. In the Fairfax County, Virginia, jail, incarceration costs $130.00 a day. That’s quite a decadent expenditure by society, particularly considering that a night’s stay in a Walt Disney World no-frills resort can be had for only $119.33.

In an age where conventional “liberals” have adopted the neo-liberal “welfare reform” program, it is ironic that one of the clearest defenders of the social safety net is a writer with an ideological tie to the people who opposed Johnson’s War on Poverty. But as Soering points out, spending on education and other social services for the poor — not mass incarceration — is more in line with fiscally conservative social principles because social services do lower criminality and its associated costs. This is simply that the stitch in time saves nine.

Beyond the title, drawn from that of a white paper issued in the 1980s by Margaret Thatcher’s conservative English government, the book contains very little moralizing about “bad” people. That title will no doubt make some progressives wince, but it’s also a reflection of the genius of the book. It’s a fact of reality that conservatives believe some people are “good” and some are “bad”. While progressives might not agree with the fiscal conservatives about why crime exists, we can certainly agree that that the $57billion a year spent on corrections isn’t improving public safety.

This isn’t a radical book that questions how we define crime or one that imagines a new world where prisons don’t exist. Instead, the book is a highly effective indictment of the prison industrial complex as a massive failed experiment whose time has come and gone.


The Supreme Court today declared the juvenile death penalty to be unconstitutional.

by Peter Wagner, March 1, 2005

The Supreme Court today declared the juvenile death penalty to be unconstitutional. See the article on Civilrights.org.

With great pleasure, we’ve removed our map of counties that execute juveniles from the front page of this site.


Kevin Pyle and Craig Gilmore explore how mass incarceration alters both rural and urban communities.

by Peter Wagner, February 10, 2005

The Real Cost of Prisons Project, which does innovative popular education workshops on criminal justice issues, has completed the first of the comic books based on one of their workshops. comic book coverPrison Town: Paying the Price by Kevin Pyle and Craig Gilmore tells one story of the way in which the financing and siting of prisons and jails impact the people and economies of rural communities where prisons are built. It tells a parallel story of the damage done to people in urban communities by mass incarceration. Included is a two page “map” of How Prison Are Paid For (and who really pays?) as well as alternatives to the current system. It’s available on the web now in PDF and will be out in print in March 2005.

Other comic books being prepared for release later this spring are Prisoners of the War on Drugs and Prisoners of a Hard Life: Women and Children. Organizations can order up to 300 copies of each comic book for use in their own organizing, community education and outreach work for free, merely by explaining how they would use the books. See the instructions on the Real Cost of Prisons comics page.


Leslie Neal has new documentary about the growing problem of juveniles being tried and sentenced as adults.

by Peter Wagner, October 28, 2004

Leslie Neal has new documentary about the growing problem of juveniles being tried and sentenced as adults. Juvies (2004) reveals the shocking reality of juvenile offenders in America, many of whom are serving draconian sentences for marginal involvement in so called ‘gang’ crimes. The director, Leslie Neal taught a video production class at Los Angeles Central Juvenile Hall to 12 juveniles who were all being tried as adults. Juvies is the product of that class, made jointly by teacher and students, witnessing heartbreaking stories of children abandoned by families and a system that has disintegrated into a dehumanizing vending machine of injustice.


Newsday article about why it's time for the Census Bureau to end prison gerrymandering by counting incarcerated people at their home addresses.

by Emily Bazelon and Peter Wagner, September 8, 2004

With planning for the 2010 census already under way, a question is in play
that will affect future elections: where to count the nation’s exploding
prison population?

Since the first census in 1790, prisoners have been counted where they’re
locked up, not where they previously lived. But now that there are close to
1.5 million prisoners nationwide, the traditional counting method takes
voting power away from liberal urban areas like New York City, where most
prisoners come from, and gives it to conservative rural communities, where
most prisons are.

It’s time the U.S. Census Bureau gave states the data they need to reverse
this dynamic.

Prisoners are barred from voting in New York and 47 other states. But they
count for purposes of drawing lines for legislative districts. Locating the
prisoners in their upstate cells for districting takes their lack of
representation a step further, by reducing the political power of the
communities from which they come.

Take the New York State Senate. In all, 76 percent of the state’s nearly
71,500 prisoners come from New York City and its suburbs. But more than 90
percent of the inmates are held and counted upstate.

In that region are seven New York Senate districts with smaller-than-average
populations, thanks to gerrymandering. Each of the seven districts has a
Republican senator. And each has thousands of prisoners – including almost
9,000 in the district that includes Attica state prison.

In theory, the Attica prisoners are represented by Sen. Dale Volker
(R-Depew). Yet the former police officer says that he ignores letters from
inmates in order to spend his time on the corrections workers he sees as his
real constituents. As co-chair of the committee that is reexamining the
Rockefeller drug laws, Volker has led the opposition to reducing sentences
for the majority of offenders, stonewalling this year’s reform effort.

Taking the prisoners out of the upstate population count would reduce the
number of legislators like Volker with an incentive to court the corrections
lobby.

Gerrymandering is an art in New York and many other states. But if rural
districts didn’t have prisoners to inflate their population numbers, some
legislative lines would likely have to be redrawn, since the seven
undersized upstate districts already barely include enough voters to squeak
by the constitutional rule of thumb for apportionment. New lines could shift
one Senate seat from upstate to the New York City area – a move the
legislature sidestepped during the last round of redistricting two years
ago.

The same questions about fair allocation of political power apply throughout
the country. Many states send tens of thousands of inmates from their urban
homes to rural prisons. With federal prisons expanding twice as fast as
state prisons and unevenly distributed throughout the country, it’s
increasingly possible that the current method of counting prisoners could
affect how congressional seats are apportioned among the states in 2010.

The traditional method for counting prisoners isn’t the only reason that
urban communities are underrepresented in government: Low voter turnout, the
undercounting of racial minorities and felon disenfranchisement are also to
blame. But the prisoner count is especially unsavory because it’s
reminiscent of the practice of counting slaves as three-fifths of a person
that predates the Civil War. The three-fifths count helped keep black people
enslaved by increasing the size of the South’s congressional delegations.
Today, half of the nation’s prisoners who are ill-served by the current
census practice are African-American.

The Census Bureau’s general rule is to count people where they live and
sleep most of the time. By adding one line – asking prisoners for their last
previous address – the bureau could also present numbers about the
neighborhoods they came from. That’s where the parole department expects the
prisoners to go on release. And it’s also where most state constitutions,
including New York’s, say that a prisoner’s legal residence is.

The bureau can’t provide the new data in time to affect the elections this
November. But as the prison population continues to grow, changing the
census will matter even more to the outcome of future races.

Copyright (c) 2004, Newsday, Inc.

Emily Bazelon is a senior editor at Legal Affairs magazine. Peter Wagner is
assistant director of the Prison Policy Initiative. They are Soros Justice
Fellows.


Memo to the Joint Committee on Agency Rules Review regarding changes to the policies governing inmate rules of conduct and disciplinary procedures.

by Peter Wagner and Jana Schroeder, June 6, 2004

To: Joint Committee on Agency Rules Review
From: Jana Schroeder, American Friends Service Committee
& Peter Wagner, Prison Policy Initiative
Cc: James Guy, DRC
Date: January 6, 2004

Re: DRC Disciplinary regulation proposal (Proposed AR 5120-9-06, 5120-9-07, and 5120-9-08)

We have several technical and substantive concerns with the Proposed Administrative Rules 5120-9-06, 5120-9-07, and 5120-9-08 governing the inmate rules of conduct and disciplinary procedures.

The DRC has proposed a significant change to the regulations in two respects:

  • A radical reorganization of the disciplinary process that does not put prisoners on notice as to what to expect and instead placing considerably more discretion on individual staff members in defiance of the JCARR specificity requirement.
  • A repeal of specific enumerated rights given to prisoners by the existing regulations

Technical concerns:

The DRC’s Rule Summary and Fiscal Analysis is neither complete nor accurate, and the proposed rules should be rejected on that basis.

1. The DRC’s zero cost estimate is unsubstantiated and unrealistic.

These changes will significantly impact the number of disciplinary convictions and resulting sentence length at great cost to individual prisoners and the taxpayer.

Prison disciplinary convictions entail a loss of privileges within the prison and go into a prisoner’s file for classification purposes which in term affects parole eligibility and overall sentence length.

It is hard to envision that these changes would not impact the number of prisoners found guilty of rule infractions, which would create a very real cost to individual prisoners. Likewise each disciplinary conviction that results in an increase in sentence length would have a cost to the taxpayer of $59.92 per prisoner per day, or $21,872.26 per prisoner per year.

While it is possible that the DRC believes that the change will have no impact on the rate at which prisoners are found guilty of disciplinary infractions or sentence length, the DRC has submitted no evidence to suggest that the DRC has even considered this very expensive possibility beyond a proforma “no cost” statement.

2. The rescission and new rule RFSA for 5120-9-06 fails to summarize the changes and the rationale.

The new rules mark a significant change in the disciplinary process by removing fundamental protections for prisoners present in the current regulation. The deleted policy statement guided rule application. It required that that punishment be proportional to the offense, with prior notice of the rules and for the rationale to be explained to the prisoner. The deletion suggests that, at a policy level, the Department wishes to repeal, as it applies to prisoners, the entire principle of due process. This was never disclosed to JCARR in the RFSA. (See appendix for the relevant original text.)

The RESCISSION RSFA for the disciplinary rules (5120-9-06) summarizes the rule only as “The rule governs the inmate rules of conduct.” The NEW RFSA says “The rule governs the inmate rules of conduct. The rules are clarified and they are no longer split into two classes of rules.” Although implied by the change in title from “Inmate rules of conduct and statement of policy of institutional rules” to “Inmate rules of conduct”, the DRC does not explain why they abolished the separate classes of rules, nor does the DRC even disclose to JCARR that the statement of policy was repealed. The DRC offers as reasons in question 6 only “The rule is being proposed to update, clarify and simplify the inmate rules of conduct.”

In early comments to the DRC and forwarded to JCARR, we have argued that this statement is inaccurate on its face, for the rules are neither clearer nor simpler. But it must be beyond dispute that the DRC’s filing fails to accurately describe the regulations being submitted to JCARR.

The rules should be rejected for the failure of the DRC to prepare ” a complete and accurate ‘Rule Summary and Fiscal Analysis’ of the proposed rule” as required by JCARR.

Substantive concerns:

While the DRC has considerable discretion to run its facilities, some of these proposed changes undermine the legislature’s intent to provide for clear administrative rules. JCARR requires that the “rules should provide clarity of wording so that the affected public is able to understand the rules. There should also be adequate specificity in delineating the procedures to be followed and the standards with which to adhere.”

This need for clear regulations is made more critical by the fact that prisoners are among the least educated portions of our population. Ohio-specific figures were not available, but nationally, one in 7 prisoners lack more than an eighth grade education. Forty-three percent of prisoners lack even a high school diploma or a GED.[1]

The existing regulations are difficult to understand, but the proposed regulations are worse. The effected population of prisoners will be hard pressed to understand their rights and responsibilities under these proposed regulations.

The rules are unclear on a structural level, they omit required due process procedures, they are vague in definition, and they are highly duplicative. The result is “rules” that violate the legislature’s mandate to create clear rules.

1. The rules are unclear on a structural level.

The rules do not offer “clarity of wording so that the affected public is able to understand the rules” as required by JCARR. The rules are less clear than the previous version, and are considerably less clear than those of other states including Massachusetts, Connecticut and the Model Code of Prison Discipline (Task Force on Revision of Discipline Procedures, State of Connecticut, Department of Correction, Professor Leonard Orland, Chairman, 1974).

a. The rules fail to describe the disciplinary process in cohesive way:

Most notably, the rules do not offer a clear explanation of the disciplinary process, instead offering 3 separate regulations:

  • 9-06 listing rules;
  • 9-07 discussing the procedure of reporting prisoner misconduct and the actions of the hearing officer; and
  • 9-08 discussing the role of the Rules Infraction Board.

(The DRC has proposed a fourth regulation, security control, that we do not discuss here.) These disciplinary rules should be all in the same document with a clear structure to explain their purpose.

The regulations should be organized in a linear fashion that would allow someone to readily understand the order and significance of the relevant parts of the process from offense, to conduct report, to the hearing officer, RIB and administrative review.

b. The proposed regulations eliminate the difference between type II and type III offenses, leaving staff and prisoners without guidance on the relative significance of various acts.

Although the nomenclature currently used in Ohio is less than ideal, the concept of having two levels of offenses exists in every state we know of as well as in the Model Code of Prison Discipline.

Called in most state prison regulations “major” and “minor” offenses, they are conceptually analogous to the valuable distinction in our criminal law of the difference between felonies and misdemeanors.

In the criminal law, the legislature prescribes possible sentences for different crimes and creates the distinction between felonies and misdemeanors. Under the old common law rules, calculating the weight of a crime was something done after the fact by a judge. Justice was not uniformly dispensed. The criminal law created by legislatures gives society and judges structure and puts citizens on notice. The DRC’s proposed changes gives all the discretion to the hearing officer and negates any expectation of a predictable process. In result, the DRC is proposing rules that will be impossible to uniformly interpret, follow, and apply; meeting the very definition of a confusing rule.

The current rule reads:

“(A) There shall be two classes of rules, each with a different maximum penalty for a violation.

“(B) Class II rules shall include those rules whose violation constitutes an immediate and direct threat to the security of the institution, its staff, visitors, inmates, or the inmate who has violated the rule. Class II rules shall also include persistent violations of class III rules, where a determination is made that the penalty for class III rules violation serves no deterrent effect.

“(C) Class III rules shall include all violations of written institutional rules and regulations, as well as violations of class II rules, i.e., a class II rules violation may be dealt with as a class III rules violation.” (Current 5120-9-06)

This distinction has been eliminated and both prisoners and staff are left to guess as to how it should be implemented.

In a December 22 memo to Jana Schroeder, the DRC defended the change by imagining new provisions not present in the proposed rule:

“I don’t believe that categorizing the rules as major or minor is ultimately a helpful concept. Inmates are expected to conform to all the established rules not just the major ones. The proposed rules are fact based and therefore are not enhanced by an artificial designation of major or minor. An assessment of the harm caused by an individual’s actions is more determinate of the penalty imposed than some artificial designation.”[2]

In reality, there is no mandate in the proposed rule to assess the harm caused by an offense. In fact, the proposed rule does not provide any instruction on how to determine the appropriate penalty. This omission, in combination with the deletion of the policy statement, leaves prisoners and staff with no guidance on its implementation. As the rule is therefore impossible to implement, it should be rejected by JCARR.

2. The regulations omit fundamental requirements of due process, contrary to JCARR’s requirement of specificity.

In the process of gutting the policy statement, the DRC also removed the most basic requirement of due process: The right to be notified of proscribed conduct. The proposed regulations no longer contain a requirement that rules and consequences be published and distributed to prisoners. (See Richardson v. Coughlin 763 F Supp 1228 (SDNY 1991) and the non-prison Supreme Court case Grayned v. City of Rockford: “because we assume that man is free to steer between lawful and unlawful conduct, we insist that laws give the person of ordinary intelligence a reasonable opportunity to know what is prohibited, so that he may act accordingly.” 408 U.S. 104 (1972).) This protection is not in the proposed rule.

Similarly, the U.S. Supreme Court in Wolff v. McDonnell (418 U.S. at 564) was very clear that prisoners must be given written notice of the charges and at least twenty four hours to prepare for a disciplinary hearing. This is not stated explicated in the regulations, instead stated obliquely in a discussion of the Hearing Officer’s obligation to inform prisoners of their procedural rights:

“(a) Time of hearing. The inmate has the right to a period of time of no less than twenty-four hours after the service of the conduct report before his or her appearance at the RIB.” (proposed 5120-9-07 (H)(2))

The DRC is assuming that staff will know that the legal definition of service is to give actual written notice. This requirement should be stated explicitly and in a proper chronological order.

3. The rules are vague in definition and implementation.

The rules fail to adequately define offenses so that prisoners can be on notice.

Rule 45 could have many meanings, but it is difficult to interpret the rule in a way that would not also prohibit working for Ohio Penal Industries or attempting to arrange post-release employment:
:

“(45) Dealing, conducting, facilitating, or participating in any transaction, occurring in whole or in part, within an institution, or involving an inmate, staff member or another for which payment of any kind is made, promised, or expected.”

The rules are also vague in implementation. For example, rule 43 prohibits refusal to submit urine for drug testing, but does not define that refusal. Does the DRC intend to punish the inability to produce urine on demand? Today, drug testing is common in and outside of prison. The rules for prisoners should be modeled on outside rules that define “refusal” by the amount of time and amount of liquid that is provided.

5. The rules are highly duplicative, which makes them confusing. On this, the proposed rules are a step backwards from the current rules.

The goal of this regulation is to give prisoners notice of the rules, and guidance to staff in guiding prisoner behavior. Duplicative charges make the policy difficult for prisoners to digest and difficult for staff to implement uniformly. Because the policy does not prohibit multiple charges or multiple guilty findings arising from the same act, there is also the possibility of giving a prisoner a higher punishment than the actual act warranted.

Redundancy makes the rules more confusing rather than less, and less complete rather than more. For example, the proposed regulations make separate rule violations to “cause physical harm”, to “cause serious physical harm”, and to “cause physical harm with a weapon”. We assume the Department does not mean to suggest that another combination, causing serious physical harm with a weapon, would be acceptable behavior; yet the policy reads otherwise. This omission illustrates that proliferating rules for every imagined situation runs counter to the Department’s and Legislature’s intent to provide an orderly institutions.

The most efficient procedure would be to combine duplicative rules and to create a specific regulatory instruction to hearing officers that wherever more than one rule covers the same act, the charges should be consolidated into the most serious charge. The hearing officer should determine the severity of the punishment in accordance with the severity of the act(s) and not with the technical number of rules violated. None of these common sense suggested principles are in the proposed rules.

We made numerous suggestions to the DRC prior to the filing on how to combine the proposed rules to make them simpler, but these comments were not incorporated into the proposed regulation before you. With edits as small as two words, the following rules could easily be combined:

  • Rules 3, 4 & 5. Causing or attempting to cause physical harm.
  • Rules 6 & 7. Throwing material and bodily fluids
  • Rules 8 & 9. Threats.
  • Rules 11, 12, 14 & 24e Non-consensual sexual contact and conduct
  • Rules 20, 21, 22 & 23. Refusal to follow orders
  • Rules 28 & 34. Forged documents for escape or other purposes
  • Rules 29, 30, 31, 32 & 33. Escape. (This is a very broad category ranging from the possession of contraband to leaving the facility without permission and many things in between. Arguably it would be useful, if only for the purposes of a prisoner’s institutional record to have different types of “escape” charges, however as currently constructed all of these are so vague that without the full facts behind the charge a parole or classification officer would be hard pressed to compare the relative severity of these 5 rules.)
  • Rules 36, 37 & 38. Weapons
  • Rules 39 & 40. Drugs

Conclusion

JCARR should not approve the proposed administrative rules 5120-9-06, 5120-9-07, and 5120-9-08 governing the inmate rules of conduct and disciplinary procedures for two reasons. First, the DRC has failed to submit a complete and accurate Rule Summary and Fiscal Analysis. Second, the proposed rules are confusing — more so than the current rules — in structure and in detail, violating the legislature’s intent for the DRC to craft clear rules to govern their institutions. The existing rules are superior and should be maintained.

Thank you for the opportunity to present our views on this important matter of prison disciplinary procedures. If we can provide any additional information or clarification, please do not hesitate to contact us.

Sincerely,

Jana Schroeder
American Friends Service Committee
Ohio Criminal Justice Program
(937) 278-4225, Ext. 107

Peter Wagner
Prison Policy Initiative

Appendix:

The DRC’s undocumented repeal of the due process, fundamental fairness and the rehabilitative ideal

The current policy reads:

(H) Institutional rules: Rules governing the conduct of offenders and the consequences which may follow from a violation shall be printed and furnished to the inmates together with any explanations that may be necessary for their guidance. Rules shall be corrective, not abusive or punitive, in purpose. They shall be no more numerous or restrictive than is necessary to produce responsible and orderly conduct, and be related to valid institutional concerns.

(I) Discipline: Enforcement of institutional rules shall be for the purpose of developing patterns of behavior which will be of help to the inmate in his future adjustment in the free community, and the maintenance of order in the institution. Enforcement of institutional rules shall be rehabilitation oriented, and for the purpose of developing self-control and self-discipline. No action shall be taken against an inmate for the violation of a rule except in accordance with established disciplinary procedures. Use of correctional cells with deprivation of cell privileges as punishment is authorized but should be used only when clearly necessary.

(J) Restrictions on personal privileges: Disciplinary restrictions on clothing, bedding, mail, visitations, or the use of toilets, washbowls, and showers may be imposed only following an inmate’s abuse of such privileges or facilities or when such action is deemed necessary by the managing officer for the safety or security of the institution, or the well being of the inmate, and shall continue only as long as is absolutely necessary.

The equivalent text in the draft regulation circulated by the DRC prior to JCARR filing:

(E) Institutional rules: rules governing the conduct of offenders and the consequences which may follow from a violation shall be published and made readily available to inmates. Rules shall be corrective, not abusive or punitive, in purpose.

The equivalent text in the proposed regulation before you:

None

Footnotes:

[1] Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics 2001, Table 6.29

[2] Memorandum from T. Austin Stout, Asst. Chief Counsel for DRC to Jana Schroeder, AFSC. December 22, 2003, page 1.




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