Beyond the 1.9 million people in the U.S. who are incarcerated, tens of millions more are dealing with the "collateral consequences" of punishment. Many cannot vote or get a driver's license, face barriers to employment, and are prohibited from living with the families who want them back — all because they have a criminal record.
To end mass incarceration, we'll need to undo the policies that make people with criminal records — and formerly incarcerated people most of all — second-class citizens. Below is our key research uncovering the collateral consequences of criminal punishment:
Our first-of-its-kind report shows how all 50 states exclude some people with criminal records from serving on juries, making juries less diverse and trials less fair.
In partnership with Rev. Jesse Jackson's Rainbow PUSH Coalition, we offer a concise guide to understanding which people in local jails are eligible to vote, and how to bring down barriers that these voters face to casting a ballot.
Our analysis shows that formerly incarcerated people are unemployed at a rate of over 27% — higher than the total U.S. unemployment rate during any historical period. We also break down this data by race and gender.
We find that people who have been to prison are 10 times more likely to be homeless, and also likely to be in precarious housing situations close to homelessness. Our report includes policy recommendations for solving this housing crisis.
Our report finds that incarcerated people rarely get the chance to make up the education they've missed, impacting their ability to find work after prison.
10 states automatically suspend the driver's licenses of people who commit drug offenses unrelated to driving.
Our analysis finds that Massachusetts' poorest communities are hit hardest by monthly probation fees, which are rooted in harsh, "tough on crime" 1980s rhetoric and make little sense for the state today.
In 2000, Massachusetts amended its constitution to deny incarcerated people the right to vote. We provided the first analysis of how many people lost their right to vote and the racial disparity inherent in this regressive law.
Public healthPrisons and jails hurt public health: Not only do incarcerated people suffer from the low quality and high cost of care; in the long term, the communities they return to after they're released suffer as well.
Probation and paroleCommunity supervision programs have their own collateral consequences, such as burdensome fees and other restrictions that make it hard to lead a normal life.
Prison gerrymanderingThe way that the Census Bureau counts people in prison leads to a dramatic distortion of representation at local and state levels, and creates an inaccurate picture of communities for research and planning purposes.
Didn't find what you were looking for? We also curate a database of virtually all the empirical criminal justice research available online. See the sections of our Research Library on reentry and recidivism, felon disenfranchisement, education, and community impact.
For more information, see the Sentencing Project, Locked Out 2024: Four Million Denied Voting Rights Due to a Felony Conviction. ↩
For more information, see Rigging the jury: How each state reduces jury diversity by excluding people with criminal records. ↩
For more information, see Donald Trump can still be president, but he could be barred from being a bartender, car salesman — or real estate developer. ↩
For more information, see Out of Prison & Out of Work: Unemployment among formerly incarcerated people. ↩
For more information, see Out of Prison & Out of Work: Unemployment among formerly incarcerated people. ↩
For more information, see the Brennan Center, Conviction, Imprisonment, and Lost Earnings: How Involvement with the Criminal Justice System Deepens Inequality. ↩
Labor market activity is defined in the dataset as individuals who are either employed or actively looking for work. Working-age people are defined as between the ages of 25-44. For more information, see Out of Prison & Out of Work: Unemployment among formerly incarcerated people. ↩
Labor market activity is defined in the dataset as individuals who are either employed or actively looking for work. Working-age people are defined as between the ages of 25-44. For more information, see Out of Prison & Out of Work: Unemployment among formerly incarcerated people. ↩
For more information, see Hunger as punishment: How states restrict SNAP benefits for people on probation. ↩
“Housing insecurity” includes formerly incarcerated people who are homeless (both sheltered and unsheltered) as well as those living in marginal housing like rooming houses, hotels, or motels. For more information, see Nowhere to Go: Homelessness among formerly incarcerated people. ↩
For more information, see Estimating the impact: How many people are excluded from Fair Housing protections because of a past drug conviction? ↩
For more information, see Nowhere to Go: Homelessness among formerly incarcerated people. ↩
For more information, see Nowhere to Go: Homelessness among formerly incarcerated people. ↩
For more information, see Getting Back on Course: Educational exclusion and attainment among formerly incarcerated people. ↩
For more information, see Getting Back on Course: Educational exclusion and attainment among formerly incarcerated people. ↩
For more information, see Getting Back on Course: Educational exclusion and attainment among formerly incarcerated people. ↩
For more information, see Getting Back on Course: Educational exclusion and attainment among formerly incarcerated people. ↩